The Cavalcade of America, presented by DuPont. On December 7, 1787, Delaware led the way towards the founding of a new nation, the United States of America. Yesterday, December 7, 12 states joined with Delaware to celebrate the 150th anniversary of the first state to ratify the Constitution of the United States. In Dover, Delaware, representatives of the 13 original states met to unveil a memorial plaque in honor of the Delaware signers of the Constitution. This evening, the Cavalcade of America presents the story of the Constitution's birth. DuPont, a company identified with the earliest days of our nation, presents the Cavalcade of America in an earnest endeavor to contribute something of permanent value and enjoyment to radio listeners and also as a tribute to the research chemist in DuPont Laboratories, whose ideals are so well expressed by the phrase, better things for better living through chemistry. As an overture, Don Voorhees and the DuPont Cavalcade Orchestra play Virginia, the march from the operetta of the same name. ом The DuPont cavalcade moves forward. Although the Constitution of the United States has been the foundation of our country since 1787, few of us realize why or how it came into being. Let us turn back the hands of the clock to the year 1784. It is Market Day in the city of New York. A fleet of boats loaded with livestock, vegetables, fruits, and dairy products has sailed from the New Jersey shore of the Hudson towards the city. On one of these sailing vessels, Hobbs, a New Jersey farmer, is talking with his son George as their craft pulls ahead of the others. Well, I guess we've out distanced them, son. Looks like it, father. Did you notice old Grimes' face as we passed him? Yeah. It's worth buying this bigger craft just to see that look on his face. He won't get the best location this Market Day. Now, ought to be a good day for business, too, this fine weather. Yeah, and the New Yorkers will have to pay what we ask. It's just a case of supply and demand. We have the farms. They have to buy. And it's easier for us to sail over from Jersey than for them to drive in from upstate. We're well ahead of the rest now, and I know just the place we can get. Ahoy the Bart! I wonder if he means us. Who? That man in the rowboat. You there in the Bart! Ah, seems so. You calling us, mister? Where you bound? That wall, if you under. Can't land there. Why, we always have. There's a new law. Passed for the assembly last week. All boats over 12 tons must be entered and cleared at the custom house. But we ain't faring craft, mister. We're from Jersey. That's why the law was made. Our state's been letting you fellas take too much of our money. But mister, now... Either you head for the custom house or go back where you came from. Understand? Well, George, I suppose we'll have to do as he says. Yes, father. It's our duty. We're not going to let you go. We're not going to let you go. We're not going to let you go. We're not going to let you go. We're not going to let you go. We're not going to let you go. We're not going to let you go. Good morning, folks. I'm John F. Kennedy in New York. A crowd of farmers from New Jersey and Connecticut offering their wares to the New Yorkers. Usually a happy lot, pleased with the idea that they're outsmarting the city folk. Today, bitter at having to pay large duties as if they were foreigners. Hobbs and his son have a stall near a man from Connecticut. Just as if, just as if we ain't Americans. Well, never mind, farmer. Well, hey, Connecticut. Yep. Say, did you have to pay duty when you brought your firewood into New York? Never did. Say, what did we fight for? Where's this freedom they promised us? What do these New Yorkers think they are? Still toys, I call it. Yeah, they want a lighthouse on our Sandy Hook. Well, I hope New Jersey makes them pay through the nose. Hey, were you able to pay the customs man? Able to pay him? I had to pay him. I mean, did he accept your money? He fairly seized it, every shilling we had. Wouldn't accept my money. What do you mean? I wanted hard money. Said my Connecticut paper was no good in New York. I asked him, ain't Connecticut in the United States? We did our share. Look, that lady and gentleman are trying to attract your attention. What, this gentleman? Oh, yes sir, yes sir. May we see your files, please? Files, yes sir. My wife has been trying to attract your attention while you and your friend were busy with your interesting argument about duties and state money. Say, if you're making fun of me, sir... No, decidedly not. I happen to overhear your grievance. And I sympathize with you. Perhaps I might suggest something by way of remedy. Now you can discuss politics after I purchase my file, dear. George, you wait on the lady. Yes, father. I'll tell you what I'd like. I want to hear what this gentleman has to say. You're a New Yorker, ain't you sir? I'm an American first, a New Yorker second. Well, what do you mean by that, sir? Well, perhaps I can best explain by an example. Now that bundle of sticks there... This one, tied together? You mean this one, sir? Yes, that's it. May I use it as an object lesson? Go ahead. Thank you. Now bound together as the sticks are, you couldn't break them, could you? Bound together? No, well, you ain't supposed to. You see, you break them one at a time. Precisely. Bound together they're firm. Stingy they're easily broken. Now doesn't that suggest something? Well, I don't know. When they're together, our 13 states united. The same laws, the same money, free trade between them. United in fact as well as in name means a country. But 13 states each jealous of the other, trying to stand singly means chaos. Here, I see what you mean. I have the flour, dear, and some vegetables. Will you pay the man? Oh, certainly, my dear. There you are, sir. Thank you. Oh Betsy, you'll want these delivered, won't you? Oh, will you deliver them? I will, gladly. Thank you. If you, sir, will tell me some more about this no duties between the states and this money business, you know, I'd like to be able to talk about it like you do to some of the folks back in Jersey. I want you to tell your friends. I wish I could spread the word to everyone in the state. Mr. Hamilton is always glad to expound his favorite topic, a well-organized central government. Yes. What did you say that name was, ma'am? Hamilton. Alexander Hamilton. Ours is the third house on the square. Come, Betsy. Yes, sir. I shall expect you, sir. All right. Say, did you hear who that was, Connecticut? Yes. Colonel Alexander Hamilton. And he talked to me like he was nobody at all. New York, New Jersey, and Connecticut were not the only states to set up duties. Virginia and Maryland also had their custom houses, and the advocates of a responsible central government finally persuaded these states to appoint commissioners who were to meet in Alexandria to form some plan which would regulate commerce and prevent smuggling. The commissioners met in March 1785 and decided to consult with the one man who was respected by all the states, George Washington. They find the commissioners at his home, Mount Vernon, where Alexander Hamilton is also a visitor. It's not merely the case of Virginia and Maryland on opposite sides of the Potomac, gentlemen, but every one of our 13 states and our territory beyond the Alleghenies. You've traveled through that country yourself, I believe, General Washington. Yes, sir. And for a number of years, I've been working on the idea of a canal connecting the Potomac with the Ohio. Splendid project, sir. But if the canal is to be completed, gentlemen, Delaware and Pennsylvania also have to be consulted. I realize our people are widely separated. Merchants and fishermen in the north and east, planters in the south, farmers in the central states, trappers in the west, all have varied interests. We need some common bond, some way of making them all see their federal responsibility. Our Articles of Confederation give Congress the right to pass laws for the benefit of all the states. Yes, but they don't give Congress power to enforce them. But Colonel Hamilton, our states are very jealous of their powers. The proposition is self-evident, gentlemen. We are either a united people or we are not. If we are afraid to trust one another under qualified powers, there is an end of union. General Washington is right, gentlemen, and his advice is worth accepting because we know it comes from an unselfish wish to unite the country he loves. Our states are drifting away from each other. There are too many quarrels over boundaries, duties, money, sharing the public debt. The courts and the laws are defied. It means chaos. Have you any solution, Colonel Hamilton? Yes, I have. With regulation of commerce as a keynote, we propose that Virginia extend invitations to all the states to send delegates to a trade convention. And perhaps at the same time, we will be able to propose some plan for more important matters. If you mean the revision of the Articles of Confederation, Colonel Hamilton, many states will refuse to send delegates. It's a delicate subject. However delicate the revision of the federal system may appear, gentlemen, it is a work of indispensable necessity. So in September 1786, a convention was held in Annapolis, but so little was thought of the idea that only five states were represented, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, and Virginia. However, it resulted in a call for another convention the following May. At first, the states were slow to respond. But on May 29, 1787, the most momentous convention ever assembled in America took place in historic Independence Hall, Philadelphia. A group of the delegates are talking before the convention is called to order. Even in the face of this surprising representation, Mr. Hamilton, I can hardly make myself believe that what we are doing is strictly legal. There must be limits to the powers of this convention. And I took care of that when I drew up the call for the convention, Mr. Patterson. I believe it covers every phase of the matter. You really believe that the Articles of Confederation can be successfully revised? No, sir. Not revised, but discarded entirely. What, sir? We must have a new constitution. Don't you agree, Mr. Madison? A constitution with a centralized government, Colonel Hamilton, but won't the states rebel at the usurpation of their authority? Whatever we may submit must be agreed upon by specially called conventions. They will be adequately protected. Good morning, Mr. Hamilton. I trust I see you well, sir. Good morning, Mr. Wilton. Gentlemen, this is Mr. James Wilton of Pennsylvania. You know Mr. James Madison of Virginia, I think. Yes, I do. Mr. Patterson of New Jersey and the Deltas of Connecticut. How do you do? Well, gentlemen, a new set of ideas seems to have crept in since the Articles of Confederation were established. Conventions of the people or with power derived from the people weren't thought of. Without the confidence of the people, my dear Ellsworth, no government can long subsist. Oh, well, pardon me, gentlemen. I see Dr. Franks had entered the hall. I want to pay my respects. I think it would be fitting for us all to do likewise. A grand old gentleman, over 80, they say. Yes, his body may not be as vigorous as formerly, but there's no finer mind in America today. No finer in the world, Mr. Wilson. Good morning, gentlemen. How do you do, Dr. Franklin? Oh, colleague Wilson, I'm glad to see you. And I am, sir. Good to see all these gentlemen. Thank you. I was a friend of the human race today. We're grateful to have you to turn to for advice, sir. I trust you gentlemen are not trying to turn my head with your flattering. No, no, no. You should have been named the president of this convention, sir. It's well called the savior of this country. And if I'm not mistaken, he's calling us to order. To order, yes. Gentlemen, kindly be seated. Gentlemen, it is all too probable that no plan we propose will be adopted. Perhaps another dreadful conflict has to be sustained. If to please the people we offer what we ourselves is the truth, how can we afterwards defend our work? Let us raise a standard to which the wise and the honest can repair. The event is in the hands of God. A number of plans were submitted, but one based on federal supremacy and another on state sovereignty were at war from the start. Perjurices and personal interests caused long and bitter debates. At one time when it seemed that the delegates would never come to an agreement, the wise and benevolent Benjamin Franklin suggested that a recess be declared for three days, during which time he proposed that the members of the convention mix with and listen to members who had different viewpoints. We find a gathering of delegates discussing what has been and what must be done. But gentlemen, everyone admits the weakness of the Articles of Confederation. Congress is impotent to raise money. It can't impose duties. It can't even settle a quarrel between the states. We all know it, and yet we can't agree on a remedy. A small state insists on equal representation with a large state. That, sir, is impossible. Unless there is representation by the population, it is extremely possible that a minority would soon rule the majority. But there's nothing to prevent two legislative branches, an upper house with equal representation of the states and a lower house with representation by population, each acting as a check on the other. That's certainly a head. And an executive who would act as a check on both. But who would check the executive? We have no wish to drift into monarchy. It could be arranged that under certain circumstances, a bill could be passed over the veto of the executive. Each could act as a check on the other. Is one head as good as, say, three executives? One man would feel the responsibility more than several. And he could have a council to aid and guide him. Our state will never submit to despotism or tyranny. It's better than anarchy. Anarchy? Gentlemen, gentlemen, I've listened to your arguments with much interest. Dr. Brinkley, may I offer a suggestion? Oh, please do, Dr. Brinkley. Please do, Dr. Rack. Gentlemen, we were sent here to consult, not to contend with each other. State after state has broken the Office of Confederation. One has made a separate treaty with the Indians. Another has issued paper money with no coin behind it. What pleases the North is anathema to the South. We must repair the constitution of compromises. Let us forget our contention, gentlemen, and think now how we may best compromise. Much was still to be done before the work was accomplished. On the 8th of September, a committee was appointed to draw up the final document. From the 12th to the 17th, this final draft was debated by the convention. And on the 17th, it was accepted unanimously by the 12 states represented and signed by 39 delegates. But before the constitution could become law, it had to be accepted by nine of the 13 states. Dr. Franklin was anxious that Pennsylvania should be the first to ratify. And on September 28, 1787, in the legislature, he moved that a state convention be called. This was immediately the cause of bitter argument, which lasted for months, with no vote being taken. Early in December, a group of the convention members met and discussed the situation. The constitution's all wrong. It contains no Bill of Rights. May I reply to that, sir? Yes, let's hear what Mr. Wilson has to say. Yes, Wilson. Here, James Wilson. I'm the delegate for the constitutional convention. We discussed the Bill of Rights. We decided it was unnecessary. When we were under English rule, such a bill was necessary because our rights came from the king. Now the rights are with the people, and any power which hasn't been given to the central government remains with them. Have you gentlemen read the preamble carefully? We the people of the United States. I still say that the delegates exceeded their authority by making a constitution at all. We claimed no authority. We made a constitution which we thought necessary, and now it's laid before the states to ratify or reject as they see fit. Dr. Franklin says... Dr. Franklin is too old to know, and most of the work was done by a lot of young men. Madison and Hamilton, King and Pinkney... Where can a country turn if not to its youth? Our country's too big for a central government. Yes, yes, here's news. News just in by the post writer. Thank you. Just a moment gentlemen till I can read it, please. Well, Pennsylvania has lost her chance to be the first to accept the constitution. On December 7th, Delaware ratified by a unanimous vote of its state convention. Music So Delaware was the first state to ratify the constitution, and one by one the others followed. On April 30th, 1789, outside Federal Hall in New York City, a large crowd assembled to witness the inauguration of the first president of the United States. Among the onlookers are our friends the New Jersey farmer, his son, and the man from Connecticut. Well, hello Connecticut. Hi. Come down for the excitement. Been driving since early this morning. Seems like everybody in the states is trying to crowd into this square. Yep, well it's a sight we've never seen before, nor will ever see again. The first president of the United States taking the oath of office. Where is the ceremony to be performed? Oh, yonder on that balcony, the one with the columns there. You can see the table there with the red cover. Oh yes, yes. Never saw so many flags and banners all in one place. Oh, it's a great sight. I would bound my boy Georgie wouldn't miss it. Oh, you're enjoying the celebration, eh George? Oh yes sir. You should have been here this morning. General Washington was rowed across the river in a big decorated barge by 13 oarsmen, all dressed in white. Don't say. Yes, and there was a parade from the wharf to the hall there. Famous men from all over the country. You never heard such cheering. And I saw his excellency almost as near as I am to you. Yeah, they say he's been welcomed all the way from Virginia. I know they erected the triumphal arch, Trenton, and there were women, you know, singing and throwing roses in his path. Someone's coming out on the balcony now. That's General Washington, the tallest man there, in the dark brown suit. Let's push away near so he can hear something. Excuse me, please. Let me by here. Yes, man. Excuse me. Where's that with him in the black robe? That's Chancellor Livingston. He's going to administer the oath. That's the Bible, isn't it Father, lying on the cushion? Yeah, must be. Chancellor's raising his hand. I will administer the presidential oath. I do solemnly swear that I will faithfully execute the office of President of the United States and will to the best of my ability, preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States. Do you solemnly swear that I will faithfully execute the office of President of the United States and will to the best of my ability, preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States? Do you solemnly swear? This is a great day for America, Father. The greatest, son. We're a nation, at last. They're raising the book, but he bows down to kiss it. Long live George Washington, first President of the United States! And so by the adoption of the Constitution, the United States, no longer a loosely bound group of single units, took its place among the great nations of the world. To the valiant and far-seeing men who made it possible, we owe a debt of gratitude, and we salute them as leaders in the cavalcade of America. Now we are pleased to welcome as our guest on this evening's DuPont cavalcade, Honorable Richard S. Rodney, Associate Justice of the Supreme Court of Delaware. Judge Rodney is a descendant of George Reed, one of the original signers of the federal Constitution. He is also a collateral descendant of Caesar Rodney, whose horseback dashed to Philadelphia made Delaware's vote unanimous for liberty and helped bring about the adoption of the Declaration of Independence. Judge Rodney, you are something of authority in the Constitution, and I understand that you are the owner of much of George Reed's correspondence. Do his letters reveal any unusual sidelights on the events of those days? Well, many of the letters written by the statesmen of the time have been published. Yet I suppose few people realize that one man signed the Constitution twice, and another man whose signature apparently appears on the document never signed it at all. That's interesting. Well, how did it happen, Judge Rodney? Simply that John Dickinson, another of Delaware's delegates to the Convention, had to return home before the signing ceremony took place. So he wrote, asking his friend George Reed to sign for him. That's how it came about that Reed signed the Constitution twice, while Dickinson, whose name appears as a signer, actually never did put his signature on it. Thank you very much, Judge Rodney. DuPont is pleased to have had you as a guest on this program, dramatizing those stirring days in the cavalcade of America. ["The Star-Spangled Banner"] Twelve years after George Washington was inaugurated first President of the United States, a sailing vessel, the American Eagle, dropped anchor at Newport, Rhode Island. Among its disembarking passengers were Pierre S. DuPont de Nemours and his two sons, Victor and Irénée. Two years later, in 1802, young Irénée DuPont, encouraged by his friend Thomas Jefferson, who was then president, established a small powder mill on the banks of the Brandywine Creek near Wilmington, Delaware. Jefferson himself used DuPont powder to remove rocks from the grounds of his home at Monticello, Virginia. DuPont's tiny enterprise supplied powder that enabled frontier settlers to secure food and defend themselves against wild animals and Indian raids. Later as the nation grew, DuPont produced new types of blasting agents to help clear lands for farming, blaze trails for the highways of the future, build railroads, and deepen waterways for navigation. Still later, at the turn of the century, the DuPont company established the Chemical Department, dedicated to development work and research. As the needs of the nation grew, this department grew, until today it is really the heart of the DuPont company. From the Chemical Department have stemmed a variety of DuPont chemical products, which contribute to the comfort and convenience of modern life. One of the first of these was coated fabrics, now used for bookbinding, luggage, and upholstery. Then came pyroxil and plastics, first employed in making toiletware, now serving in almost countless ways from toothbrush handles to safety glass. Today there are six DuPont plastics for various needs. Next, the DuPont company offered to expanding American industry a group of so-called heavy chemicals, acids, pigments, and the like, for making a great variety of useful things from wallpaper to automobile tires. About 20 years ago, DuPont helped establish an American dye stuff industry to produce truly colorfast dyes at low cost. Then came the man-made yarn, rayon, followed by DuPont's development of the moisture-proof, transparent wrapping material, cellulose film. And so it is gone, one forward step leading logically to another, with a steady flow of new orange...
