The National Broadcasting Company at its affiliated stations present The Pacific Story. This is the story of the Pacific, the drama of the millions of people who live around this greatest sea, where the United States is now committed to a long-term policy of keeping the peace. This, as another public service of the National Broadcasting Company, is the background story of the events in the Pacific and their meaning to us and to the generations to come. France faces the music. The Pacific Story I was in the military police headquarters in Saigon when they came back from the rain. Lock those prisoners up and post a guard with each of them. Yes, sir. All right. Be sure you search them thoroughly. Yes, sir. Get them out of there now. I see you're being very careful about these animals. Yes, we've got some questions to ask them. How many did you ask? All there were in the revolutionary headquarters. Were there any big ones? One. Here are some of the pamphlets we found on the place. Yes. How many of these did you find? Thousands. They must have just been printed. Appeals to the United Nations for help, eh? Yes, sir. And to the French people. Looks like they're going all out for independence this time. What would they do with independence? They're not ready for it. The big one they picked up in the raid was an Anomide professor. Intelligent fellow. One of the leaders of the Viet Minh movement. League for Independence. And there's a lot more to tell you about that. Well, soon as the excitement settled down, they brought out this professor for questioning. At once, when you French came back to Indochina, you raid and search our quarters and arrest our people. Do you French consider this the way to win the cooperation of the people of Indochina? Answer my question, please. Is it self-evident that France is standing in the way of Indochina's independence? You are a man of influence, Professor. You are aware that when you express such thoughts that you influence many others. The people do not have to be influenced. But you urged the resistance to Vice Admiral Georges Thierry d'Argent, did you not? We oppose the return of any Frenchman. Have the Japanese actively served you against us? We are as much for independence from the Japanese as from you Frenchmen. But did the Japanese furnish you with arms, Professor? Did the Japanese give you terroristic instructions over the radio? It is significant that immediately your General Jacques Philippe Leclerc arrives here in Saigon, that you ask us about the Japanese. Why did not you and your General stay here and protect us from the Japanese? In 1940, you permitted the Japanese to move in and to... Sergeant, yes, sir. Take the professor back to his cell. Yes, sir. You will come along now. You are making the same mistakes now that you have made ever since you French came to Indochina. Well, it looks as though you're going to have your hands full. Sudden changes must be made. The situation in those early days of October was pretty bad. Lots of shooting, lots of killing. And it was going to get worse. The Anomites, who make up more than 70% of the population of Indochina, had openly challenged the return of the French. There are about 25 million people in Indochina and about 17 million of them are Anomites. The rest are Tonkinese, Cambodians, Laotians, Koshan Chinese, Thais, people like that. The Anomites took the lead, quite a few of the others followed. But it wasn't a spontaneous thing. It had been coming a long time. I talked with the professor in his cell. The French have been here since about the time of your American Civil War. And in all these years, they have failed to win the cooperation of my people. But your people are just one of the peoples of Indochina, professor. Yes, but we are the most numerous people and we can make Indochina a unified nation. Actually, Indochina is made up of five different countries, isn't it? Five different political unions. Anom, Cambodia, Tonkin, Laos, and Koshan China. How many of these separate countries are with you, Anomites? To put it another way, 95% of the people are with us for independence. The French say only 5%. Cambodia has declared its independence. Anom has declared its independence. And Luang Prabang, which is the main kingdom of the state of Laos, has established itself as an independent nation. And do you know what this means? That the French have got to reconquer these countries instead of just moving back in? Exactly. It is not simply a matter of the French moving in as the Japanese move out. We are independent. The French have no more right to take us over than they have to take your country over. But with some of the countries of Indochina independent, and with at least one of them in favor of French rule, how can you unify the peoples and countries of Indochina into one nation? The unity of the Anomite majority is more important than the differences in the country. Yes, that may be right. For years there has been a trend. Mr. Mayo, you will have to go now. Yes. Well, thank you, Professor. You have seen only the beginning, Mr. Mayo. Goodbye to you, sir. Goodbye. I thought about what he'd said about a trend. Looking back, there had been a trend. I had come to Indochina in 1930. There's something in the wind, Howard. Bad blood here somewhere. It's been coming for a long time. Anything can happen. Look at that fellow, Schlager. He's a Tonkinese. We get to recognize him after a while. All these people milling around. It's like a pot of cake. Watch that fellow. Is he one of the leaders? Probably. These people have been resenting the French here ever since they came. Just the Tonkinese? No, nearly all the people of Indochina. When Japan beat Russia in 1905, that encouraged them. And Asiatic people beating the white people. Yes. Same thing happened after the First World War. The French had used them as troops and in work battalions when the war was over. They came back and started asserting themselves. And ever since then, they've been asserting themselves. Organizing political parties and revolutionary societies and saying what they think and however and whenever they get the chance. Hey, something's happened. Yeah, the Tonkinese is yelling something. Let's get over there. Let's get over there. Here, you two. Get out of this crowd before you are hurt. What's the matter, Captain? Dearly spare, all of you. Dearly spare. What's that Tonkinese saying? He's exhorting the people to rise up against the French. You'll be dearly spared at once. Now move. What is this, Captain? This is a path of the general outbreak. Two companies of Tonkinese troops have used it that young day. Used it? Yes, until six of the officers. This demonstration is the path of the whole general outbreak. Now, dearly spare. Come on, Harkin. Yes, as I thought of it, there had been a trend. After that outbreak in 1930, I learned to see beneath the surface. I kept my eyes open. The nationalist movement was growing. During the 30s, those in the movement used legal means. For part in politics, campaign for their people, elected members to the municipal and provincial councils. Sometimes to the national councils. And it was during this time that I met the professor for the first time. The French give the impression that they are trying to promote the interests of us, enemies. But the real test is whether they will permit us to promote our interests. For years, they tried to destroy our institutions and substitute those of France. This they could not do. They tried to destroy our institutions and substitute those of France. But they failed. They failed. They tried to destroy our institutions and substitute those of France. This they could not do. So they changed. Now they say they are eager to preserve our customs and our institutions. But will they permit us to advance? No. Except in their way. They have prohibited trade unions by law. The punish shall be by law. In the late 30s, the people talked to me about the growing Chinese threat. Do you think the Japanese would dare to strike in the indoor China, Mr. Mayor? Do you think they would try to cut off the railroad to Yunnan? Do the French have enough troops and equipment here to defend indoor China against the Japanese? They do not seem to have much... Now that France is at war in Europe, do you think the French will make some kind of deal with the Japanese? Why don't the French take a stronger stand? When France fell, the Vichy government signed an agreement with Tokyo. Schlag and I watched the Japanese troops march in and take over. What do you think this is going to do to the prestige of the white man out here, Howard? It won't help them, especially with the animites. Not after what the French have been telling them about looking out for their interests. Behold, our new master. Oh, hello, Professor. This is a dark day for the people of indoor China. For the whole world, Professor. What has happened now to all those benefits the French posted out? Well, they did give you certain benefits. What benefits? They prevented famine, they built schools and hospitals, built highways, things like that. Yes, and they created the political unit of the Indochinese Union. And that helped keep the peace between the countries of Indochina. Do those things balance for what they've taken from us? The taxes and all the revenues from salt and opium and alcohol? And do they make up for the years of bad administration they've imposed on us? On their disregard for the real interests of the people of Indochina. But you'd still rather have the French here than the Japanese, wouldn't you? Our wish is to be independent. You're too late! Enough! I did it! We saw some fighting during the next three months, the people of Indochina against the Japanese. They fought them in the hills of northern Tang King. They fought them down in Koshin, China. The fighting spread right down here to Saigon. They fought them at Do Luang, a loss, of course. But instead of discouraging them, it had the effect of drawing the various nationalist movements into one nationalist movement, the League for the Independence of Indochina. We are now having the League representatives of the main national liberation societies of Indochina. We have representatives here of the workers, the peasants, of our armed forces, of our youth, and our women. Our program is entirely oriented toward the armed offensive, with the object of freeing Indochina from the Japanese invaders. Yes! Further, we demand an election of a representative assembly from all classes of the population to make a constitution for the Indochinese state, with a form of government based on democratic principles. We want the League! The Japanese clamped down on them, but they couldn't suppress the League. They couldn't tell who was a member of the League and who wasn't. Mr. Mayo, you are an American. In the present delicate situation between your country and Japan, your behavior here in Indochina could prejudice your country's best interests. I don't quite understand. The League for the Independence of Indochina is pledged to the defeat of Japan. It would be wise for you to keep that in mind, since you are here in Indochina at our suffering. I managed to get out before Pearl Harbor. I went to Chungking. Free China was in contact with the League. They knew that the League was building up not only against Japan, but also against France. The French knew it too. And all the time the Japanese were trying, with not too much success, to sell the Indochinese on the idea that they were really the liberators of Indochina, and that they would give the Indochinese a much better deal than the French. But the Indochinese knew about promises. In January 1945, Japan's military position in Indochina was shaky. U.S. air power started to hit the Japanese positions, carrier-based planes from the Pacific fleet and B-29s. And American troops took the island of Palawan and the Philippines, just across the South China Sea from Indochina. By March, the Japanese were getting nervous about the French officers. Admiral Deku and the others had been there and been dealing with it. Admiral Deku, you have rejected our request for closer cooperation for the joint defense of French Indochina. We have information that some of your officers have favored an attack on our forces in Indochina, and that you have been supplied by parachute from American planes. Therefore, you and the French commanders of the Army, Navy, and Air Forces in Indochina are under arrest. Take them away. Chances are that at least some of what the Japanese said was true. The French committee had worked secretly to organize the Indochinese against the Japanese. And when the Japanese dropped all pretence of collaborating with the French in Indochina, fighting flared up. Some of it was pretty rough. The Japanese put it down, of course, and then went about setting up their own puppet regimes. The colonial status of French Indochina has ended. We listened to the Tokyo radio. Today, Annam has declared its independence from France and will cooperate with Japan. Those Annamites will never cooperate with Japan. The Japanese probably encourage them to declare their independence in order to widen the distance between the Annamites and the French. Sure, but the Annamites are too smart to put themselves under the Japanese. They probably jumped at the chance to become independent, and they'll only play ball as far as it suits their own purpose. Next day, the Tokyo radio made another announcement. Today, the Correction of Cambodia has declared its independence. See, Howard, the Japanese think they're hurting the French and helping themselves by promoting this. But they're really strengthening the hand of the people. Or it could mean that the Japanese at last are trying to win over the Indochinese. The Indochinese know what they're doing. It was time for the French outside of Indochina to make a move, and they made it fast. Sixteen days after the Japanese took outright control of Indochina, the French provisional government in Paris issued a statement. The Indochinese Federation will constitute with France and with the other members of the French Commonwealth a French Federal Union. The interests of this union will be represented abroad by France. Within this union, Indochina will enjoy autonomy. Nationals of the Indochinese Federation will be citizens of both Indochina and the French Federal Union. This double citizenship will make them eligible for all federal posts and offices in Indochina and in the Union, on the sole ground of merit and without discrimination as to race, religion, or national origin. And what does it say about the government in Indochina? Indochina will have her own federal government, presided over by the Governor General and composed of ministers responsible to him. These ministers will be selected from among Indochinese as well as the French. And what about the rights of the Indochinese? Freedom of thought and creed, liberty of the press, the right of association and meetings, and, generally speaking, all democratic liberties will constitute the basis of Indochinese laws. I wonder what the Professor would think about this. We soon found out. What does the statement say about independence for Indochina? No mention was made of this. It promises many things, the same things which we, Annamites, have been demanding for a long time, such as access to all government jobs and individual liberties and representative assembly. But it carefully preserves the function of a Governor General as the supreme authority appointed by Paris. And it maintains complete French control over the military organization and the foreign relations of the Indochinese Union. After Nazi Germany collapsed and the United States really started pouring it on the Japanese, we knew that it was only a matter of time until the French would be back facing the music in Indochina. The end of the war came quicker than we expected. Indochina was divided into two occupational zones. The Chinese took over the territory above the sixteenth degree north latitude, and the British took over below. The French did not have the forces present to move in at the time, so the British landed at Saigon on September the 9th. And I was there soon afterward. Then it came. The British have come to reestablish French rule in Indochina. Shall we stand by and permit this? No, no, no! The French have appointed a new Governor General to rule us, Admiral Thierry Dogenloo. And listen to what he says. He says, we have not come to reconquer the country. We are approaching the Indochinese very loyally. We do not wish to interrupt them, but rather to grant them a freedom of action in accordance with the merits. We will allow them to deal with their own duties and responsibilities. Admiral Dogenloo says that he will grant us a freedom of action in accordance with the merits. What merits? He says that the French will allow us to deal with our own duties. I say we will oppose Admiral Dogenloo and the return of the French with our lives. Schlager and I watched the growing unrest. They say the Anomites have got at least 20,000 men here ready to jump the British. Twenty thousand? Yeah, and if you ask me, they've probably got a lot more massed along the roads leading into Saigon. A couple of days later, it broke out. The losses were heavy. The fighting went on for a week. The British ordered the Japanese troops to help them against the Anomites. The League for Independence sent telegrams to the great capitals of the world. On behalf of the government of the Democratic Republic and whole population of Vietnam, we protest vigorously against the inhuman deeds of the British, Indians, French, and Japanese troops against the people of Vietnam. We address a sincere appeal to all peoples of the Democratic front, to all international organizations for social relief, and to the Red Cross, urging them to intervene without delay. Is it possible that after six years of horrible, murderous fighting, that the whole world supports this barbarism by a gang of colonials against a small, weak nation like ours? The fighting went on. Then the British commander and the Anomite leaders got together and worked out a truce. It lasted a few days, then the fighting broke out again. The British landed more troops. Major General Jean-Philippe Leclerc landed. The French troops cleared the Anomites out of the villages on the outskirts of Saigon. The Anomites tried to capture the Saigon airport but were thrown back by the British. More French troops were landed from the French light cruiser, La Goire. The eyes of the world were on Indochina. This is part of the whole revolution that's taking place in Asia, Howard. I had heard that again and again. It's another evidence of the handwriting on the wall, the determination of the people of Asia to throw off the yoke of the Western nation. They can't do it, Schlager. Not yet, but it's in the cards. You see, British troops are fighting here alongside the French, helping the French. That's because the British want to reestablish their own authority in Burma and Melea and in other places where they have interests out here in the Far East, which you can be pretty sure the French don't have the support of the Russians. I knew what he meant. Last spring during the United Nations conference at San Francisco, Molotov, the Soviet foreign commissar, said that the Soviet delegation would take an active part in the discussions on the problems of dependent areas. Such countries should be enabled as soon as possible to take the path to national independence. You see, Howard, that's Russia's point of view. But what the French are most concerned about is America's point of view. Do you think there is an American point of view on this? Well, Sumner Wells, when he was under Secretary of State back in 1942, said that the government of the United States recognizes the sovereign jurisdiction of the people of France over the territory of France and over French possessions overseas. Yes. And last spring in San Francisco, Georges Bidot, the French foreign minister, said that France could not contemplate any sort of trusteeship for Indochina. It's pretty clear that the French are thinking of Indochina as part of the French Union. Exactly. They know that the strategic position of Indochina on the borders of China and Burma and Thailand and facing the Philippines and Malaya and the Indies make them an Asiatic power. And they know that if France is going to win back its pre-war position as a world power, they've got to hang on to Indochina with its 25 million people and its rice and its rubber and its coal. But there was still another angle. China's relation to the whole problem. The Chinese occupy the northern part of Indochina. The understanding is that the Chinese were to occupy only the territory north of the 16th parallel. Why have the Chinese forces also occupied parts of Laos and Cambodia? They said that they are only in Indochina to disarm the enemy and that they have no territorial ambitions. Yes, yes, I know what they said. But they arbitrarily detained General Alessandre, who has prevented Indochina with them. They permitted him to enter several days later. I'd like to ask, why didn't General Alessandre take part in the surrender ceremonies at Hanoi? The reason given was the rare reason, because the French flag was not represented at the ceremonies. Pardon, please. This dispatch has just come. Give it to me, please. Rebels have raised their flag over a French mission in the suburbs of Hanoi. Who raised it? Apparently, it's the new political party, the Union of Revolutionary Parties of the Vietnam. But why have these Chinese permitted them to raise this flag? I asked the question of the professor in his cell. We believe that China will do everything in her power to win independence for Indochina. Why, professor? First, the Chinese have for years played a big part in the economic life of Indochina. China will likely wish to strengthen its economic ties with us. Second, the best outlet of China to this sea is over the Unam Indochina railroad, through Indochina to the port of Haiphong. China may ask for a free port at Haiphong. But isn't it true that in years past that you fellows have fought to rid yourselves of Chinese domination, that you've always been suspicious and a little fearful of Chinese intentions? We will not fall under the sway of China or any other nation. Well, frankly, professor, what do you think Indochina's relations will be with France? France will possibly try to return with some form of liberalized rule. But we will go on fighting for independence. Time is up, Mr. Mayo. Yes. It will hereafter not be permissible to visit the prisoners, Mr. Mayo. You see, Mr. Mayo? Yes. You will come now, please. Yes. Well, goodbye, professor. You may tell your people that we will yet have an Indochinese nation. You have been listening to the Pacific Story, presented by the National Broadcasting Company and its affiliated independent stations, as a public service to clarify events in the Pacific and to make understandable the cross-currents of life in the Pacific Basin. For a reprint of this Pacific Story program, send ten cents in stamps or coin to University of California Press, Berkeley, California. The Pacific Story is written and directed by Arnold Marquis. The original musical score was composed and conducted by Thomas Paluso. The principal voice was that of Eddie Marr. Programs in this series of particular interest to servicemen and women are broadcast overseas through the worldwide facilities of the Armed Forces Radio Service. This program came to you from Hollywood. This is the National Broadcasting Company.
